Occupation? What Occupation?
by Uri Avnery
There never was a darker Middle East summit meeting. The darkest there can be.A short monologue from Mubarak. A short monologue from Abdullah. A medium-length monologue from Abbas. An interminably long monologue from Olmert - a typical Israeli speech, overbearing, educating the whole world, sermonizing, and dripping with morality. Held, of course, in Hebrew, with the obvious aim of appealing to the home public. The speech included all the required phrases - "Our soul longs for peace," "The vision of two states," "We do not want to rule over another people," "For the good of coming generations," blah, blah, blah. All in standard colonial style: Olmert even talked about "Judea and Samaria," using the official terminology of the occupation.
But in order to "strengthen" Abbas, Olmert addressed him as "president" and not as "chairman," which has been the de rigueur title used by all Israeli representatives since the establishment of the Palestinian Authority. (The wise men of Oslo circumvented this difficulty by referring - in all three languages - to the head of the Authority by the Arab title of ra'is, which can mean both president and chairman. And the word that did not appear throughout this long monologue? "Occupation."If Olmert had not been sitting so far away from Abbas, he could just as well have spat in his face.
First at all, the number is ridiculous. There are now about 10,000 Palestinian "security" prisoners in Israeli prisons. Every night, about a dozen more are being taken from their homes. Since there is no more room in the prison facilities, the wardens will be pleased to get rid of some inmates. In previous gestures of this nature, the Israeli government has set free prisoners whose term was nearing the end anyhow, and car thieves. Second, fraternization between Fatah and Hamas is well established in prison. The violent struggle in Gaza has not been projected into the prisons. The famous "prisoners' document," which laid the foundation for the (now defunct) unity government, was worked out jointly by Fatah and Hamas prisoners.Olmert's announcement of his readiness to release Fatah - and only
Fatah - prisoners is designed
to sabotage this unity. It could stigmatize the Fatah people as
collaborators and Abbas as a leader
who is concerned only with the members of his own organization, not
giving a damn for the
others. So what did come out of this summit conference?
Some say zero plus, some say zero minus. No
wonder that the Arab participants looked so somber. What was it
good for? Abbas was in need of strengthening after losing the Gaza
Strip. Olmert
promised the Americans to strengthen him. But after the conference,
Olmert could have used the
phrase customarily uttered by Israeli leaders visiting bereaved
families: "I came to strengthen, but
it is I who has been strengthened." The sole winner
was Olmert. The conference has proved that Mubarak's and Abdullah
influence
on Israel is nil, and Abbas' position is even worse. To
eliminate any doubt about this, Olmert sent the army at once into the
kasbah of Nablus, the
heart of Abbas' virtual kingdom, in order to "arrest" the leaders of
the military arm of Fatah. They
put up determined resistance, wounding several soldiers. A lieutenant
lost a hand and a leg. In
another incursion, this time into Gaza, 13 Palestinians were killed,
including a boy of 9.
According to the official version, the aim was to throw the militants
off balance so that they
would feel hunted.
If this is not occupation, what is it? But God forbid that anyone mention this word in diplomatic discourse - the 10 letters that have turned into an obscenity. A 10-letter word that has become taboo in polite society.
The disappearance of the occupation as a subject for discussion is the real message of the conference. All the arrangements and ceremonies were designed to create the false impression that Olmert and Abbas were the heads of two states conducting negotiations on the basis of equality - rather than the leader of an occupying power and a representative of the occupied population. That is true for all the discourse about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict at this stage: the world has become so used to the occupation that its very existence has ceased to be a subject for discussion. That is also evident in the daily reporting on the conflict in the Israeli and foreign media. They report on what's happening - the Gaza takeover by Hamas, the actions of the Israeli army, the problems of Abbas, the decisions of the Israeli government - without the context of the occupation. As if the occupation, with all its killing, destroying, depriving, and dispossessing, were a natural phenomenon like the light of the sun during the day or the twinkling of the stars at night.There are many subjects that are being discussed, such as: whether to ease the situation of the Palestinians or to increase their misery, whether to allow Abbas' policemen to move freely with their weapons in the West Bank towns to try and eliminate the militias that fight against Israel, whether to enlarge the settlements or not. But all these discussions are based on the unquestioned assumption that the occupation is there forever.
All the talk about "strengthening" is conducted in this context: Abbas and his people are supposed to function as an administration under occupation. According to Olmert and Bush's perception, their job is to fulfill the orders of the occupation, in return for their own money and perhaps some small arms. Incidentally, that is very similar to the "autonomy" promised by Menachem Begin to the "Arab inhabitants of Judea, Samaria, and the Gaza District." Olmert is quite ready to talk about the "Two-State Solution" - much talk, with a lot of bloated words and pathos - while doing everything possible in practice to prevent this "vision" from being realized before the coming of the Messiah.
Into this reality Tony Blair is now stepping. He
is being sent by the Quartet - something that does not really exist, a
diplomatic fiction of four
that are one.
What for? If Bush really wanted to realize his "vision" of two
states, he wouldn't need Blair. He
could do it all alone in a matter of weeks. Even poor Condoleezza could
do it, instead of
babbling about preparing final-status plans and pigeonholing them, if
only she were backed by
the determined will of the president. So what is Blair's
appointment for? Is it only to give some status to a redundant
international
star? To give a consolation prize to somebody who loyally lied and
cheated for Bush before and
during the Iraq war?
Yes, of course. But his main task is to draw out developments and gain
time, to postpone
everything, to foster make-believe activity, to provide the
Palestinians and the world media with
an illusion of progress.
Blair will come, meet, make declarations, ooze charm from every pore,
generate headlines, fly,
come back, make more announcements, meet again with kings, presidents
and prime ministers. A
long tail of news-thirsty journalists will follow him everywhere,
generate media noise, write,
tape, and take pictures, as if he were a male Paris Hilton.
Meanwhile Palestinians and Israelis will keep dying, the wall will be
finished, more land will be
expropriated, settlements will be enlarged, targeted "terrorists" will
be killed, the blockade on
Gaza will be tightened, and all the hundred and one daily activities of
the occupation will go on,
the occupation that dares
not speak its name.