Uri
Avnery
2.3.02
How to
Torpedo the Saudis
If, in May 1967, an Arab prince had proposed that the whole Arab world
would recognize Israel and
establish normal relations with it, in return for Israel's recognition
of the Green Line border, we would
have believed that the days of the Messiah had arrived. Masses of
people would have run into the street,
singing and dancing, as they did on November 29, 1947, when the United
Nations called for the
establishment of a Jewish and an Arab state in Palestine.
But then disaster struck: we conquered the West Bank and the Gaza
Strip, the Labor and Likud
governments filled them up with settlements, and today this offer
sounds to many like a malicious
anti-Semitic plot.
The leaders of Israel tell us: Don't worry. Just as we survived
Pharaoh, so we shall survive Emir
Abdallah.*
-----------
This is an allusion to a famous Israeli song.
-------------So what will happen? In Israel, every international
initiative designed to put an end to the conflict
passes through three stages: (a) denial, (b) misrepresentation, (c)
liquidation. That's how the
Sharon-Peres government will deal with this one, too. It can draw on 53
years of experience, during
which both Labor and Likud governments have succeeded in scuttling
every peace plan put forward. (We must nor suspect, God forbid, that
the successive Israeli governments were opposed to peace. Not at
all. Every one of them wanted peace. They all longed for peace.
"Provided peace gives us the whole
country, at least up to the Jordan river, and lets us cover all of it
with Jewish settlements." Until now, all
peace plans have fallen short of that.)
PHASE A is designed to belittle the offer. "There is nothing new
there," the Political Sources would
assert. "It is offered solely for tactical purposes. It is a political
gimmick". If the offer comes from an
Arab: "He says it to the international community, but not to his own
people". I short, "It's not serious." One proven method is to
concentrate on one word and argue that it shows the dishonesty of the
whole
offer. For example, before the October 1973 war, President Anwar Sadat
of Egypt made a far-reaching
peace offer. Golda Meir rejected it out of hand. Her Arabists (there
are always intellectual whores
around to do the dirty job) discovered that Sadat spoke of "salaam" but
not of "sulh, which "proves" that
he does not mean real peace. More than 2000 Israel soldiers and tens of
thousand Egyptians paid with
their lives for this word. After that, a salaam treaty was signed. Such
methods are already being applied
now to the Saudi offer. First it was said that Crown Prince Abdullah
had spoken about his initiative only
with an American journalist, but not addressed his own people. When it
transpired that it was widely
published in all Saudi papers, both at home and in London, another
argument was put forward: the prince
has made his offer only because Saudis had become unpopular in the
United States after the Twin
Towers outrage. (As if this matters.) In short, Abdullah has not become
a real Zionist. This point was
widely discussed in the Israeli media. Commentators commentated ,
scholars showed their scholarly
prowess. But not one (not one!) of them discussed the actual content of
the offer.
PHASE B is designed to outsmart the offer. We do not reject the offer.
Of course not! We a longing for
peace! So we welcome the "positive trend" of the offer and kick the
ball out of the field. The best
method is to ask for a meeting with the Arab leader who proposed the
offer, "to clarify the issues". That
sounds logical. Americans think that, if two people have a quarrel,
they should meet and discuss the
matter, in order to end it. What can be more reasonable than that? But
a conflict between nations does
not resemble a quarrel between two people. Every Arab peace offer rests
on a two-part premise: You
give back the occupied territories, and you get recognition and
"normalization". Normalization includes, of
course, meetings of the leaders. When the Israeli government demands a
meeting with Arab leaders "to
clarify details", it actually tries to get the reward (normalization)
without delivering the goods (withdrawal
from the occupied territories). A beautiful trick, indeed. If the Arab
leaders refuse to meet, well, it only
shows that their peace offer is a sham, doesn't it?
Many peace offers have fallen into this trap. Ben-Gurion offered to
meet with Muhammad Naguib, the
Egyptian ruler after the 1952 revolution. Several Prime Ministers asked
to meet Hafez al-Assad. Only
Sadat outsmarted the smart ones and turned the tables on them. He came
to Jerusalem on his own
initiative. When the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted
resolution 242, the Israeli
government did not accept it. Only much later, when there was no way
out, it accepted it "according to
the Israeli interpretation". This concentrated on the article "the"
that is missing in the English version
(which demands withdrawal from "occupied territories" instead of from
"the occupied territories"),
contrary to the French version, in which the article duly appears. (The
Soviets were caught napping,
because there is no article in the Russian language.) The preferred
method is to kill the spirit of the
offer slowly, to talk about it endlessly, to interpret it this way and
that way, to drag negotiations on and on,
to put forward condition which the other side cannot accept, until the
initiative yields in silence. That's
what happened to the Conciliation Committee in Lausanne, that is what
happened to most of the
European and American peace plans.
PHASE C: If phases A and B have not worked, the liquidation stage
arrives. Nowadays it is called
"targeted prevention" or, simply, "ascertained killing" by the army.
Against the original UN mediator, the
Swedish Count Folke Bernadotte, "targeted prevention" was applied
literally: he was shot and killed. The
killers were "dissidents", but Ben-Gurion did not shed any tears.
Usually, Israeli governments use two
deadly torpedoes in their arsenal: the US Congress and the American
media. William Rogers, President
Nixon's secretary of state, for example, proposed a peace plan that
included the withdrawal of Israel to
the pre-1967 border, with "insubstantial changes". Israel released its
torpedoes and sunk Rogers together
with his plan. His job was taken over by the Jewish megalomaniac, Henry
Kissinger, and that was the
end of peace plans. Can the Saudi initiative be scuttled in the same
way? If the Saudis stay their course,
it will not be easy to intercept it. This time the target is not a
small frigate, not even a destroyer, but a
mighty aircraft carrier. A great effort will be needed to torpedo it.
But Shimon Peres and his foreign office are experts at this kind of
job; they have been at it for decades.
Ariel Sharon will push them. The pitiful Labor party, under the
leadership of a small-time copy of Sharon,
will join the chorus. Faced with the terrible threat of having to end
the occupation, the Israeli media will
rally behind the government. Nobody revolts, nobody cries out. In
Israel, real public discourse has died
long ago. The national instinct of survival has become blunted. Thirty
five years of occupation and
settlement have eroded the nation's ability to reason, leaving instead
a mixture of arrogance and folly.
A great, perhaps unique opportunity may be missed. Hundreds, thousands,
tens of thousands may pay for
it with their lives. They will not dance in the streets any more.